With a plunge in already low economic indicators, starvation among people, and rising terrorist attacks, not to mention natural disasters, one would think that the Taliban have enough on their collective plates. But no. The group announced a ban on women working in non-governmental organisations, most of which are the only functioning platforms for delivering relief on the ground. Irony of ironies — the notice was issued by the Ministry of Economy, which should know better than most, what the country is going through. The UN has already appealed against the order as its operations get affected. Other countries will weigh in. India, so far, has said nothing on this or other matters related to women’s rights. It need not. But there is plenty that it can do on its own and in Afghan interests.
A slew of troubling orders
The banning of women from working in NGOs was imposed after the Ministry of Economy found that women were not wearing the hijab properly. This decree led to the immediate closing down of at least six NGOs operating in the area, with more likely to follow. Earlier, there was a ban on higher education, issued by the Ministry of Higher Education, suspending women’s participation in public and private universities. That this is being enforced is apparent when women were forced out of a university class during exams recently. This led to anger among the men as well, with male students walking out of the class in protest, while women began protesting on the streets. Professors are also said to have resigned from their positions, while private university unions have warned that some 35 private institutions would be forced to close down. Another order which appears to have been issued simultaneously was a letter from the Education Ministry which instructed all educational institutions not to allow girls above grade 6 to access their facilities. Though high schools in most provinces have been closed, some have remained open and many tutoring centres and language classes have been open to girls. Officials say religious education remained open to female students. In March was a sudden ban against allowing secondary school education to girls, one that even the Ministry of Education was ignorant about. That this decision was made just before an important meeting of donors, who were to pledge aid, remains puzzling. In short, it is unclear just how and why these decisions are made, at a time when surely even the lowest of Taliban officials are aware of the international opprobrium on the one hand, and on the other, the absolute bankruptcy of the Afghan state.
Labyrinthine Decision Making
The ban on women in NGO activities was issued by the Economy Ministry, headed by Qari Deen Mohammad ‘Hanif’ who hails from Badakhshan, but seems to have spent his youth (and education) in Pakistan’s Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. This is usually the heart of the problem within the Taliban, that their “ministers” all studied from the most backward institutions in Pakistan, imparting a philosophy entirely alien to Afghanistan. A new Deputy Minister, Dr Abdul Latif Nazari, a Hazara, was appointed (at least according to the announcement) by the great man himself, Supreme Leader Mullah Haibatullah Akundzada. That’s a surprising choice. Nazari studied in Iran, is listed as the founder of Gharjistan University, owner of a newspaper Islahat, and has several publications to his name. He was also a running mate of Ahmad Wali Massoud, who heads the Ahmad Shah Massoud foundation. That seems to be an effort by the Taliban to appease the North, but also an effort to get some professionals at lower levels. The same is seen in the Education Ministry, headed by Neda Mohammad Nadeem — a hard liner with the title Sheikh al-Hadith — a title accorded to only the most eminent scholars of Prophet Muhammad’s sayings. That has endeared him to Akhundzada, who has the same title. He is thus aligned with the powerful ultra-conservatives in the inner circle, including Abdul Hakim Haqqani, the Acting Minister of Justice, who had also earned his laurels from the Darul Haqqania in Pakistan, as well as the support of the Minister of Virtue and Vice. Nadim and his friends seem to be at the centre of a grouping that seeks to amass power through their proximity to the Taliban Aamir. Again, Nadim has some professionals to ‘assist’ him lower down in the hierarchy.
The Kandahar clique – mostly made in Pakistan
The importance of the clique in Kandahar was underlined by a sudden change in decision to allow girls into secondary schools in March. Experts observe that even the Ministry of Education was unaware of the change, which was decided at a meeting of Cabinet and other high-level officials in Kandahar, in the run-up to infighting and horse trading to wangle posts and power. It appears that the decision may have been taken with the backing of some ulema, led again by Chief Justice Abdul Hakim and Acting Minister of Religious Affairs Nur Muhammad Saqib. The idea also seems to cut the Kabul and the Doha team down to size. Haibatullah seems to have gone along with this. But it is to be noted that Amir al-Momineen was the main arbiter of the ‘Vice and Virtue’ department long before the Taliban came to power. This is, therefore, a mix of extreme ideology (made in Pakistan) and a fight for power, at a time when the donor conference is just around the corner.
India has remained at the periphery of all this, only offering increasing amounts of aid, including 75,000 MTs of wheat (in 2020), Covid-related medical supplies and 500,000 doses of Covid vaccine. The first formal meeting of an Indian delegation with the Taliban in June led to the setting up of a ‘technical team’ to coordinate aid, at least according to the Ministry. The Taliban welcomed the move and clearly wanted more, in terms of re-starting projects, opening the consular section and restarting trade. All this has led to an accusation that India is ‘whitewashing’ the Taliban and ignoring its erstwhile friends. While this can be said of every other country operating in Afghanistan at present, pandering to a regime that seems to be dominated – for the moment at least – by the most extreme factions is not the best of options, particularly when it comes to how Afghans view India. There is, however, room for manoeuvre. Given that many Taliban leaders oppose these decrees – including perhaps even Interior Minister Sirajuddin Haqqani – for reasons that are more to do with the held-up millions in aid than anything else – indicates that a tentative outreach to ‘patronise’ girls’ education in outlying districts may be possible. A possible ‘study from home’ model from a university in India could also be considered, all of which would empower the ‘moderates’ and in the long run, change the face of the ‘government’. It’s worth considering, for both moral and realpolitik reasons. Meanwhile, there is a likelihood that ‘Made in Pakistan’ mullahs are reacting to a nod from their patrons across the border, with the specific intention of cornering Kabul which has shown its dislike of Islamabad — only too plainly. If yes, then these should be named and shamed. The imposing of a foreign extremist ideology has gone on long enough. Time for the Afghans to make their own religious laws that are in keeping with their real identity, and not an imported one.
The author is a Distinguished Fellow at the Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies, New Delhi. She tweets @kartha_tara. The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not represent the stand of this publication.
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