On October 23 and 24, there was a sudden flood of visuals and messages on social media of violence against Muslims in Tripura. An old BBC video of the Delhi riots, visuals of an explosion in Pakistan, a Karachi fuel station blast amongst many others were circulated. Popular content creators like Mufti Haroon Nadvi of Viral News Live with 1.3 million subscribers ran headlines appealing for help for Tripura Muslims who were being attacked by Hindu aatankwadis (terrorists). Tahaffuz E Deen media host Abrar Ul Haq with 706,000 subscribers had videos that ranged from Musalmaano tayyar ho jao (Muslims get ready) to Tripura mein police ka zalimana role (the cruel role of Tripura police). Mufti Salman Azhari, a Barelvi scholar, with close associations to Raza Academy, on the channel Ilm Me Deen with 318,000 subscribers titled his show Mussalmano pey zulm karney walo ka anjam (the fate of those who are not just to Muslims). Incidentally, none of these channels or accounts spreading fake hateful material were from Tripura; they were all from Maharashtra.
Even as the Union Home Ministry issued a statement clarifying that no mosques in Tripura had been damaged, that no simple or grievous injuries had taken place and that no cases had been reported of rape or death, Amravati, Nanded and Malegaon in Maharashtra went up in flames, fanned by communal tension. On November 12, a multi-city bandh was organized by Raza Academy with the support of All India Sunni Jamiatul Ulema, TNR Board and other Barelvi centres to protest against incidents that had not occurred in Tripura. On the day of the protest, Barelvi leaders dominated the stage while Raza Academy patron Moin Miya Ashrafi met with a Congress delegation which included AICC General Secretary Tariq Anwar amongst other senior leaders. A former Shiv Sena leader was also found giving an impassioned speech on the occasion. However, the chain of events that took place, the arrests that were made and the Tripura toolkit that is trending now is only part of the story.
Those following the developments in this story, and with an interest in studying radicalisation must turn their undivided attention to the Raza Academy, an organisation that is the product of the Barelvi school of thought—a movement that has been in dispute with the Deobandis and the Wahabis, ‘takfiring’ each other on many occasions. During Partition too, it was the same Barelvi movement that largely supported the All India Muslim League and post-Independence not only did they create the Jamiat Ulema-e-Pakistan, a new association of Barelvi thought for the new country, but strongly advocated for the application of the Sharia law. Today, in the same spirit of their uncompromising ways, the Academy has taken to activism, issuing fatwas from their office in Mumbai and becoming the dominant voice of the Sunni Barelvi movement in the country.
Not only do political leaders and the administration find value in extending courtesy to them but clearly their ability to bring Muslim pockets in over 30 large- and medium-sized cities to a standstill on the basis of fake news and to be able to congregate over 8000 protesters on site would be an indication of their growing influence. However, one only needs to look across the border to see a glimpse of the future of Raza Academy in Tehreek-e- Labbaik Pakistan or TLP, the Barelvi political party in Pakistan that arose out of solidarity and an ability to organise large scale rallies for Mumtaz Qadri, the man who assassinated Punjab Governor Salman Taseer. What was his crime? That he opposed the blasphemy laws under which Asia Bibi, a Christian woman, was convicted. TLP infamously in 2018 managed to pressure the Government of Pakistan to sign an agreement with them in order to prevent Asia Bibi from leaving the country. The Raza Academy too seems to be following a similar strategy of display of influence and disruption unless their demands are met, however contrary those may be to the Constitution of India.
In 1986, when Mufti Akhtar Raza Khan was arrested by the Saudi government, Raza Academy held protests across India. Congregations were held and processions were taken out following which the Saudi government was forced to release Khan after 11 days. In 1988, the first fatwa against author Salman Rushdie was issued by Raza Academy. In 2000, Raza Academy opposed author Taslima Nasreen’s visit to Mumbai. In 2012, Raza Academy held protests in Mumbai’s Azad Maidan against atrocities on Muslims in Myanmar and riots in Assam, the protests turned violent—3 OB vans and 11 vehicles were set on fire, women constables were molested, Amar Jawan memorial was vandalised and over 50 policemen were injured. In 2015 they issued another fatwa, this time against Oscar winning musician AR Rahman and Iranian filmmaker Majid Majidi for the latter’s film ‘Muhammad: The Messenger of God’. In 2018, they agitated again, against the Ordinance on Triple Talaq. Last year, they opposed coronavirus vaccine and this year they finally exposed their true intent by demanding 5 per cent Muslim reservation and the ‘Prophet Muhammed and Other Religious Heads Prohibition of Slander Act 2021’.
Leading up to the recent riots in Amravati as well, the Academy had been getting restless with the slow development in the Wasim Rizvi case. A delegation from the Academy met Mumbai Police Commissioner (Law and Order) and demanded that Rizvi be booked under the UAPA as he had hurt the sentiments of the Muslim community by publishing an edited version of the Quran. Wasim Rizvi’s new book “Muhammed” had been released by Narsimhanand Sarswati at Dasna Devi Temple in UP on November 4. On November 8, they were finally able to get an FIR registered in the Pydhonie police station using some of their run-of-the-mill pressure tactics by sitting on a dharna outside the station. That’s when the preparation for the bandh started, fuelled by fanaticism and frustration of not being able to ban Rizvi’s book or get their hands on him. Hoardings came up with Rizvi’s images and slogans in capital letters reading “Wasim Murdabad” (death to Wasim). Posters read “Hamare Nabi Ke Shaan Mein Gustakhi Karney Walo Key Khilaf” (against those who have dared to insult the Prophet). While targeting Rizvi, they also kept spinning the Tripura story.
Considering Raza Academy has access to senior politicians in the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA), bureaucrats, police officials and top lawyers, it is implausible that they could not verify the authenticity of the stories on the Tripura violence, or they missed out the statements made by the DG of Tripura police, the Union Home Ministry and even the head of Jamaat e Ulema Hind, Maulana Mufti Rehman, under whose ambit majority of the mosques in Tripura are managed. An Academy is also more often than not understood to have scholars, is understood to be a place of learning and training as well as discipline. None of these characteristics have been displayed by the Academy. Their rallies turn into intimidation and vandalism, they have little respect for the ethos of this country and have tried time and again to compromise the safeguards provided by the Constitution to protect the rights of its citizens. Lest we want to see another Amravati or Azad Maidan or the emergence of an Indian Tehreek-e-Labbaik, urgency demands scrutiny at the highest levels.
Rami N. Desai is anthropologist and conflict analyst with specialisation on Northeast. The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not represent the stand of this publication.
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