Why India’s Neighbours are Not Shy of Playing the China Card
Why India’s Neighbours are Not Shy of Playing the China Card
Our challenge has been compounded by a determined Chinese bid especially since 2015 to enhance its synergies with South Asian nations.

Geography has placed India front and centre in South Asia. She is the only country with land or maritime borders with every state in the subcontinent. All South Asian states have either been a part of or enjoyed the closest of ethno-cultural, religious, and linguistic bonds with India. India is the net security provider in the region except for Pakistan. Notwithstanding resource constraints and limitations in project delivery, India has been instrumental in fostering economic and infrastructure development in neighbouring countries, especially Nepal and Bhutan.

More often than not, our neighbours are critical of India, accuse her of arrogance and interference, seek external balancers and occasionally, even ignore her security concerns. During the Cold War, they tried to involve the western powers and, of late, have been vigorously courting China. They are not bashful about playing outside powers against India.

Why is that so? Is this phenomenon unique to our region? Has India got the script wrong? What will be the impact of the growing Chinese footprint in South Asia on India’s standing? The analysis below essentially covers four South Asian nations figuring in BIMSTEC namely Bangladesh, Bhutan, Nepal and Sri Lanka. Due to its compulsive hostility, Pakistan’s case is sui generis, where constructive engagement is not possible.

Neighbours Spring Unpleasant Surprises

Right since Independence, India has been alive to the imperative of good neighbourly relations and has made foreign policy her priority. Prime Minister I.K. Gujral was a strong advocate of engaging the neighbours without any expectation of reciprocity. It came to be known as the ‘Gujral doctrine’. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government reinforced this approach firmly by enunciating the ‘Neighbourhood First’ policy. Heads of South Asian states were invited to his swearing-in ceremony in 2014. His first visit abroad was to Bhutan. He has since visited most of the neighbouring countries several times.

We maintain an open border with Nepal and Bhutan. Some 8 million Nepalese (over 25 per cent of its population) live and work in India. Our boundary with Bangladesh is porous. The number of Bangladeshi citizens residing in India is estimated between 3 and 20 million. They remit billions of dollars back home annually. Bangladesh is also our largest trading partner in South Asia. Bhutan now has one of the highest per capita incomes in the region thanks to the 2100 MW of hydropower capacity established with India’s assistance.

Nevertheless, our neighbours do not refrain from springing unpleasant surprises. King Birendra of Nepal sought to import anti-aircraft guns from China in 1989. Since Nepal has only two neighbours, the implications were obvious. Last year, Nepal laid claim to Kalapani, Limpiyadhura and Lipulekh, which fall within the Indian territory and even published a new official map to formalise the claim.

Sri Lanka allowed Pakistani civilian and military aircraft refuelling facilities during the 1971 India-Pakistan conflict. Recently, Colombo awarded a contract to a Chinese company to establish renewable energy projects on three Islands just 45 km from Rameswaram in Tamil Nadu. It was eventually cancelled in the face of strong opposition by India.

“What is the point of being a behemoth in the region if countries that are far smaller than you can trifle with your vital security interests?” wonders Sushant Sareen, a noted geopolitical analyst.

Chanakya, the ancient Indian polymath, posited that the immediate neighbour of a principal state/kingdom (Vijigishu) be considered an Ari (enemy), and the neighbour’s neighbour or Ari of the Ari, a natural friend or Mitra, writes Ambassador Gauri Shankar Gupta.

Fortunately, India has by and large managed cordial if not friendly ties with the neighbours, barring Pakistan. In reality, no two neighbours can have an issue-free relationship. Grievances, real or imagined, are bound to exist. The size and power of India naturally evoke envy and apprehension. Candidly speaking, India too has not been above reproach. India has been inconsistent or oversensitive at times. Instinctively, we have treated South Asia as our backyard and resented the presence of outside powers.

No Country Can Have Exclusive Backyard

In today’s world, no country has or can aspire to have an exclusive backyard. The more Russia strives to keep former Soviet Republics and East European countries under its wings, the more they gravitate towards the European Union, NATO or China. The American ability to frame the rules of engagement in international affairs is progressively weakening. China’s quest to dominate the neighbourhood is resulting in a pushback that is bound to get more muscular in times to come.

Back home and to cite a few examples, India expressed a preference for democratic forces over the monarchy in Nepal while, at the same time, supporting monarchy in Bhutan enthusiastically. Unhappy with the Sri Lankan outlook on colonialism at the Bandung conference (according to Ambassador Austin Fernando of Sri Lanka), Prime Minister Nehru accosted his Sri Lankan counterpart, “Why did you do that, Sir John? Why did you not show me your speech before you made it?” Pat came the reply, “Why should I? Do you show me yours before you make it?”

Regardless of the justification, if any, India blockaded Nepal on more than one occasion, greatly inconveniencing the common people, and losing their goodwill. Due to domestic-political compulsions and ethnic considerations, India extended diplomatic and material support for the aspirations of greater autonomy of the Tamils in Sri Lanka. We ended up paying a heavy price and scarring our equation with Sri Lanka for the foreseeable future.

The consciousness that our neighbours, even if smaller in size, are sovereign nations, with a sense of pride and determination to safeguard their distinct identity, has, on occasion, escaped India. Even a well-meaning comment that ‘we are the same’ by an Indian unnerves our neighbours who fear a loss of individuality. Ambassador Shivshankar Menon recalls Zia-ul-Haq quipping that if an Egyptian stopped being a Muslim, he would still be an Egyptian, but if a Pakistani stopped being a Muslim, he would be an Indian.

India Has Upped Her Game

Our challenge has been compounded by a determined Chinese bid especially since 2015 to enhance its synergies with South Asian nations. Chinese money power is at full display. All our neighbours except Bhutan have gladly joined BRI (Belt and Road initiative). Their development aspirations cannot be faulted. And India certainly does not have the wherewithal to meet them all. In the process, Chinese political, strategic and defence ties are also on the upswing. Except when her security interests are at stake India must refrain from complaining, for it would fall on deaf ears. We should focus on our strengths instead.

Our neighbours will soon discover that the Chinese embrace comes with hidden costs. China, which has a scant appreciation of or patience for the cultural pride or political sensitivities of the subcontinent, is bound to end up stepping onto many toes. Opposition is already building against CPEC, for example, in Pakistan, where the chokehold of indebtedness is suffocating the polity. The angst is clearly visible in provinces like Balochistan where attacks are being carried out against Chinese interests but muted elsewhere due to the fear of the Army. The Chinese Ambassador’s activism in attempting to form a communist government of choice and advising then Prime Minister Oli to resign led to a backlash.

Meanwhile, in recent years India too has upped her game. Lines of credit offered by India to the neighbours have increased from about $3 billion in 2014 to $15 billion by 2020. Over the same period, formal regional trade has gone up from $19 billion to $26 billion. The actual trade is estimated to be twice or thrice as much because of open or porous borders. Electricity grids of India, Nepal, Bhutan and Bangladesh have been connected. Effective measures have been taken to enhance physical, material and digital connectivity with the neighbourhood. For the first time since Independence, Bangladesh has allowed transit facilities through its territory to India’s north-eastern region. India would reciprocate by providing Bangladesh transit to Bhutan and Nepal.

There is a dramatic improvement in India’s ties with Bangladesh. The maritime boundary issue has been settled and the exchange of enclaves undertaken through an amendment of the Indian constitution. Bangladesh has been providing invaluable intelligence about the Indian insurgent groups.

India needs to focus more sharply on the neighbourhood. Regular high-level visits and a sustained dialogue would be helpful. We must internalise that it is natural for neighbours to look for external balancers. We did the same during the Cold War and continue to do so even today. While clearly defining our red lines, the key to success lies in creating interdependencies with the neighbours, treating them with respect and ceding them their space. We should serve as ready market for their goods and services.

India’s linkages with the neighbourhood are civilisational, which are unique and non-replicable. Geography could be a bane or blessing depending on how India plays her cards. With patience and perseverance, we can reap the dividends of cultural, economic and physical proximity.

The author is Former Envoy to South Korea and Canada and Official Spokesperson of the Ministry of External Affairs. The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not represent the stand of this publication.

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